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NewsApril 2, 2007

JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. -- Sen. Chuck Gross let out a mock cry as he cast a "no" vote against his own legislation. It was a painful act. But he felt he had to do it. Like Gross, numerous self-described pro-life senators joined with rival pro-choice supporters to defeat a pro-life amendment last week in the Senate...

By DAVID A. LIEB ~ The Associated Press

JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. -- Sen. Chuck Gross let out a mock cry as he cast a "no" vote against his own legislation. It was a painful act. But he felt he had to do it.

Like Gross, numerous self-described pro-life senators joined with rival pro-choice supporters to defeat a pro-life amendment last week in the Senate.

If that doesn't sound odd enough, consider this: The state's leading pro-life groups considered the defeat of the pro-life amendment a victory.

Sometimes, the Missouri Capitol sure seems bizarre.

Here's the breakdown of what's up:

Republicans and the pro-life lobby, both of whom command a strong majority at the Missouri Statehouse, have voluntarily reined themselves in to support a limited package of pro-life proposals. Included are only those provisions believed to have withstood court challenges elsewhere.

Anything else, although a desirable objective, will have to wait.

The less-is-more strategy passed its first test last week during Senate debate.

'Drag down'

Sen. Victor Callahan, a self-described pro-life Democrat from Independence, offered an amendment containing the language of a separate bill sponsored by Gross, R-St. Charles. It would require an abortion doctor to offer a woman at least 20 weeks pregnant information about how "an unborn child" can feel pain. If a woman wants to go ahead with an abortion, the physician is supposed to first give anesthesia for the fetus.

The amendment failed 25-7, gaining the support only of five anti-abortion Democrats and two of the many pro-life Republicans.

Gross said he voted against his own proposal because of concerns it would "drag down the bill," explaining that he didn't believe the fetal pain provision had been tested in court.

So what would the bill do?

Three main things:

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  • Impose new guidelines for sex education courses in school. Planned Parenthood and other abortion providers would be barred from teaching or providing materials for the courses. And schools would have the option of teaching an abstinence-only curriculum, instead of one that also includes contraception instruction.

Planned Parenthood has about a half-dozen instructors who currently teach sex education when invited by schools. The organization also provides books, pamphlets and videotapes to some schools, said Alison Gee, political director for Planned Parenthood of the St. Louis Region.

  • Require more state oversight of most abortion clinics. The bill would designate facilities that perform any second- or third-trimester, or more than five first-trimester abortions a month, as "ambulatory surgical centers." That would make them subject to increased regulation from the Department of Health and Senior Services.

Similar proposals have been around for a decade. Klein said pro-life groups simply want "to make sure the clinics are safe for women to go into."

But Gee claims the bill could force Planned Parenthood to stop offering abortion services at clinics in Columbia and Kansas City.

  • Put into law the Missouri Alternatives to Abortion Services Program. The state already funds the program, which grants money to nonprofit groups that provide aid and encouragement for women considering abortions to instead deliver their babies.

Putting the program into law would give it more permanency. The bill also would authorize a public awareness effort to promote centers participating in the Alternatives to Abortion program through an Internet site and the media.

The bill would specifically exclude family planning services from being funded through the abortion alternatives' grants.

St. Louis Sen. Rita Days, one of several Democrats opposed to the bill, contends it's "totally irresponsible" to bar funding for counseling and contraceptives that could prevent the women from having future unplanned pregnancies.

What abortion opponents want to avoid is a repeat of 2005, when Missouri Right to Life and certain lawmakers found themselves at loggerheads with Gov. Matt Blunt and other anti-abortion lawmakers about the scope of that year's anti-abortion bill. Nothing ended up passing during the regular session, and Blunt called a special session later that year to enact a bill with a limited number of provisions.

This year, said Blunt spokeswoman Jessica Robinson, "There are numerous amendments that could be added the governor would support." But that remains hypothetical, Robinson said, because "It was agreed to push forward with the important pro-life provisions included in the omnibus bill" -- and not with other provisions, such as the fetal pain proposal.

The result is a sometimes frustrating one for abortion opponents, who were expecting grand things when Missouri in 2004 elected its first Republican-led Legislature and governor since the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision legalized abortion.

Instead, abortion opponents are taking any incremental approach, choosing practicality over idealism.

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EDITOR'S NOTE: Capitol Correspondent David A. Lieb covers Missouri government and politics for The Associated Press.

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