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OpinionAugust 29, 1994

We didnt send you to Washington to make intelligent decisions. We sent you to represent us. Letter to a Texas congressman from one of his constituentsThe above expression, while striking an amusing note, also raises a much more important question about government as its viewed in this final decade of the 20th century. The constituents letter touches on several questions that can be raised in these times when distrust in government and the governmental process runs so deep...

We didnt send you to Washington to make intelligent decisions. We sent you to represent us. Letter to a Texas congressman from one of his constituentsThe above expression, while striking an amusing note, also raises a much more important question about government as its viewed in this final decade of the 20th century. The constituents letter touches on several questions that can be raised in these times when distrust in government and the governmental process runs so deep.

The Texans protest opens up the old question of what the responsibility of a federal or state legislators consists of, asking whether our elected officials are expected to be only messengers, delivering the preferences and protests of constituents to the capital city? Or is their duty something more.

There are readers who will state their preference in language such as, I want my view represented, and I dont care what anyone else thinks. There are others who will answer that a majority constituent opinion, while influencing a legislators view, should not constitute the basis for his or her final vote.

Its tempting to note that if the legislative process serves only to transmit constituent opinion, why bother with employing messengers who have to be fed and clothed and have their backs patted and scratched occasionally? Why not just give each voter a yes-or-no button hooked up with the Capitol in Washington or Jefferson City? During the emerging period of the H. Ross Perot candidacy, it may be remembered that this idea was advanced by the Texas billionaire as being the perfect answer to a perfect democracy. Its amazing how many columnists, commentators and even political scientists fell all over themselves in an effort to endorse their kind of electronic government.

The other side of the coin is equally simple. Criticism of a lawmakers every vote has become almost standard fare in todays political world. Organizations compile voting records like fans compile batting averages of their favorite ballplayers. Thus its possible for some organization to identify, in a very simplistic manner, whether the legislator in question is friend or foe. Theres never an in between view; the subject is either for or against us. Thats an over simplistic explanation of a representative democracy, where consistency, while an asset in moral values, can be a fools rule when trying to govern a diverse electorate.

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A third view in our political system is that, somehow, the process is diminished by all of the criticism thats voiced against our political leaders. We are inclined to forget that we are a nation whose lineage goes back to the Boston Tea Party, an overtly illegal act that violated the principal rules of the day. We are also quick to forget that Americas first citizens greeted their revered new president, George Washington, with a whiskey rebellion that could have derailed the entire constitutional process of a fledgling nation. Lets face it: when it comes to being ruled, we Americans can, at times, become downright obnoxious.

Just as the President is not an unchallenged authority, so too does Congress play a dual role. Its members are at one and the same time both delegates of their constituents and statesmen a council of wise men. In the thinking of Madison and others, the Senate particularly was to emphasize statesmanship. The House, in their view, does not carry quite so heavy a burden. Its members can be somewhat more deferential to members demands.

But the capacity to visually what is good for the nation was never to be absent, in either the House or Senate. It is likely that every delegate to the Constitutional Convention of 1787 would have rejected the notion expressed by the Texas constituent at the beginning of this piece. In the longer view, the common good must come first.

If that isnt the case, then we are in big trouble as special interest groups continue to grow and proliferate and work against the framers concept of common good.

Jack Stapleton is a veteran journalist in Kennett who keeps tabs on Jefferson City.

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