More mobile clinics bringing long-acting birth control to rural areas

Twice a month, a 40-foot-long truck transformed into a mobile clinic travels the Rio Grande Valley to provide rural Texans with women’s health care, including birth control.

The clinic, called the UniMóvil, is part of the Healthy Mujeres program at the University of Texas Rio Grande Valley School of Medicine.

The U.S. has about 3,000 mobile health programs. But Saul Rivas, an OB-GYN, said he wasn’t aware of any that shared the specific mission of Healthy Mujeres when he helped launch the initiative in 2017. “Mujeres” means “women” in Spanish.

It’s now part of a small but growing number of mobile programs aimed at increasing rural access to women’s health services, including long-acting reversible contraception.

There are two kinds of these highly effective methods: intrauterine devices, known as IUDs, and hormonal implants inserted into the upper arm. These birth control options can be especially difficult to obtain — or have removed — in rural areas.

“Women who want to prevent an unintended pregnancy should have whatever works best for them,” said Kelly Conroy, senior director of mobile and maternal health programs at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences.

The school is launching a mobile women’s health and contraception program in rural parts of the state this month.

Rural areas have disproportionately fewer doctors, including OB-GYNs, than urban areas. And rural providers may not be able to afford to stock long-acting birth control devices or may not be trained in administering them, program leaders say.

Mobile clinics help shrink that gap in rural care, but they can be challenging to operate, said Elizabeth Jones, a senior director at the National Family Planning & Reproductive Health Association.

Money is the greatest obstacle, Jones said. The Texas program costs up to $400,000 a year. A 2020 study of 173 mobile clinics found they cost an average of more than $630,000 a year. Mobile dental programs were the most expensive, averaging more than $1 million.

While many programs launch with the help of grants, they can be difficult to sustain, especially with more than a decade of decreased or stagnant funding to Title X, a federal money stream that helps low-income people receive family planning services.

For example, a mobile contraception program serving rural Pennsylvania lasted less than three years before closing in 2023. It shut down after losing federal funding, said a spokesperson for the clinic that ran it.

Rural mobile programs aren’t as efficient or profitable as brick-and-mortar clinics. That’s because staff members may have to make hourslong trips to reach towns where they’ll probably see fewer patients than they would at a traditional site, Jones said.

She said organizations that can’t afford mobile programs can consider setting up “pop-up clinics” at existing health and community sites in rural areas.

Maria Briones is a patient who has benefited from the Healthy Mujeres program in southern Texas. The 41-year-old day care worker was concerned because she wasn’t getting her menstrual period with her IUD.

She considered going to Mexico to have the device removed because few doctors take her insurance on the U.S. side of the Rio Grande Valley.

But Briones learned that the UniMóvil was visiting a small Texas city about 20 minutes from her home. She told the staff there that she doesn’t want more kids but was worried about the IUD.

Briones decided to keep the device after learning it’s safe and normal not to have periods while using an IUD. She won’t get billed for her appointment with the mobile clinic, even though the university health system doesn’t take her insurance.

“They have a lot of patience, and they answered all the questions that I had,” Briones said.

IUDs and hormonal implants are highly effective and can last up to 10 years. But they’re also expensive — devices can cost more than $1,000 without insurance — and inserting an IUD can be painful.

Patient-rights advocates are also concerned that some providers pressure people to use these devices.

They say ethical birth control programs aim to empower patients to choose the contraceptive method — if any — that is best for them, instead of promoting long-acting methods in an attempt to lower birth and poverty rates. They point to the history of eugenics-inspired sterilization and even more recent incidents.

For example, an investigation by Time magazine found doctors are more likely to push Black, Latina, young, and low-income women than other patients to use long-acting birth control — and to refuse to remove the devices.

Rivas said Healthy Mujeres staffers are trained on this issue.

“Our goal isn’t necessarily to place IUDs and implants,” he said. It’s to “provide education and help patients make the best decisions for themselves.”

David Wise, a spokesman for the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences, said staff members with the university’s mobile program will ask patients whether they want to get pregnant in the next year, and will support their choice. The Arkansas and Texas programs also remove IUDs and hormonal arm implants if patients aren’t happy with them.

The Arkansas initiative will visit 14 rural counties with four vehicles the size of food trucks that were used in previous mobile health efforts. Staffing and equipment will be covered by a two-year, $431,000 grant from an anonymous donor, Wise said.

In addition to contraception, faculty and medical residents staffing the vehicles will offer women’s health screenings, vaccinations, prenatal care, and testing and treatment for sexually transmitted infections.

Rivas said the Texas program was inspired by a study that found that, six months after giving birth, 34% of surveyed Texas mothers said long-acting contraception is their preferred birth control option — but only 13% were using that method.

“We started thinking about ways to address that gap,” Rivas said.

Healthy Mujeres, which is funded through multiple grants, started with a focus on contraception. It later expanded to services such as pregnancy ultrasounds, cervical cancer screenings and testing for sexually transmitted infections.

While the Texas and Arkansas programs can bill insurance, they also have funding to help uninsured and underinsured patients afford their services. Both use community health workers — called promotoras in largely Spanish-speaking communities such as the Rio Grande Valley — to connect patients with food, transportation, additional medical services, and other needs.

They partner with organizations that locals trust, such as food pantries and community colleges, which let the mobile units set up in their parking lots. And to further increase the availability of long-acting contraception in rural areas, the universities are training their students and local providers on how to insert, remove, and get reimbursed for the devices.

One difference between the programs is dictated by state laws. The Arkansas program can provide birth control to minors without a parent or guardian’s consent. But in Texas, most minors need consent before receiving health care, including contraception.

Advocates say these initiatives might help lower the rates of unintended and teen pregnancies in both states, which are higher than the national average.

Rivas and Conroy said their programs haven’t received much pushback. But Rivas said some churches that had asked the UniMóvil to visit their congregations changed their minds after learning the services included birth control.

Catherine Phillips, director of the Respect Life Office at Arkansas’ Catholic diocese, said the diocese supports efforts to achieve health care equity and she’s personally interested in mobile programs that visit rural areas such as where she lives.

But Phillips said the Arkansas program’s focus on birth control, especially long-acting methods, violates the teachings of the Catholic Church. Offering these services to minors without parental consent “makes it more egregious,” she said.

Jones said that, while these programs have hefty costs and other challenges, they also have benefits that can’t be measured in numbers.

“Building community trust and making an impact in the communities most impacted by health inequities — that’s invaluable,” she said.

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