What to do with the wicked state Sen. Jason Crowell? By shades: brilliant, smart aleck, bored and alienated. Just like my brother, circa 1982. But unlike my parents, President Pro Tem Charlie Shields of the Missouri Senate can't ship Crowell off to boarding school for a few years to mature.
Whether it was beginning a filibuster by reading "The Shack," losing his place and starting again, or dropping a 10-pound amendment and asking it be read in its entirety, Crowell is the new problem child for the Republican majority.
At this writing, Crowell has successfully stalled AmerenUE's attempt to repeal the construction works in progress (CWIP) law to clear the way for a new nuclear power plant in Missouri, as well as the governor's economic development bill.
Crowell has articulated principled opposition to portions of both CWIP and eco-devo. He says he'll let CWIP go through if Ameren's proposed changes to the Public Service Commission process are dropped. And his list of demands to yield on eco-devo include bringing the tax credit programs into the appropriations process and reining in the Missouri Development Finance Board.
Aside from his ability to knot up the Senate with floor tactics, Crowell's opposition is particularly damaging for two reasons.
First, he's not alone. Although he acts like a maverick, he has been joined by other Republican senators at various points in the battles. Two of them, state Sen. Luann Ridgeway and state Sen. Rob Mayer, have ties to former speaker Rod Jetton. Crowell himself is very good friends with Jetton, who's working with aluminum giant Noranda to stop the CWIP legislation. That association has led some to question whether Crowell's motivations are entirely pure.
Crowell is the leader of this "Jetton tribe" in the Senate, which appears to be evolving into an annoyance for the Republican majority for the foreseeable future.
The second reason Crowell is dangerous is that there's already opposition to both measures from liberal senators. State Sen. Joan Bray helped filibuster the CWIP legislation by questioning both the environmental impact of a nuclear plant and whether there were enough consumer protections against rate increases. State Sen. Jeff Smith likewise filibustered the eco-devo bill in an attempt to defend the status quo for the historic tax credit program, which has fueled a great deal of St. Louis city development.
By opening a second ideological front on these bills, Crowell is making the job of state Sen. Kevin Engler, the majority floor leader, exponentially harder. For example, Crowell is threatening to filibuster the eco-devo bill if tax credits are excluded from the appropriations. And Smith is making the same threat should tax credits be included. Where does Engler find a compromise position to move the bill forward?
This standoff likely won't end in hugs. There are two ways to get Crowell to sit down. The first is the use of the procedural maneuver "calling the previous question" to end debate. Most observers don't think the Republican majority would use it on one of their own senators.
More likely, they will do to Crowell what they did to state Sen. Matt Bartle a couple of years ago when he tried to stop an appointment. They'll just keep the senate in session all day and all night until he can no longer physically stand. Bartle lasted 13 hours. Crowell has some allies and might be able to hold the floor longer, but eventually there are limits to human stamina.
Dave Drebes is publisher of the Missouri Scout, a private news service covering state politics. moscout.com
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