Saudi reforms stalled

JIDDAH, Saudi Arabia -- Political reform, desired by many in Saudi Arabia and publicly championed by the kingdom's de facto ruler, is stalled by powerful forces.

The Muslim religious establishment has traditionally resisted granting freedoms that Saudis might use to debate the country's ultraconservative version of Islam. And some in the Saudi royal family seem to equate democracy with surrendering power and privilege.

Nonetheless, the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States carried out by 15 Saudis and four other hijackers -- and more recent terror attacks in Saudi Arabia itself -- have Saudis asking whether some among them are turning to violence as the only way to bring change in a rigid, intolerant society.

The U.S.-led war to topple a dictatorship in neighboring Iraq has raised another question: Even though Saudi Arabia is a close U.S. ally, could it be next in line for regime change?

Critics of Saudi Arabia in the United States have accused the kingdom of being a fundamentalist dictatorship and of not doing enough to combat the war on terror. U.S. Treasury Secretary John Snow, currently on a Middle East tour, is scheduled to visit Saudi Arabia Wednesday to discuss ways to choke off terrorism financing.

"There is internal pressure for reform and external pressure from the United States especially after Sept. 11 and the fall of the regime in Iraq. If the situation in Iraq improves and a democratic government is set up, it will be a role model and people here will demand more reforms," says journalist Mansour al-Nogaidan of the Al-Riyadh newspaper.

Saudi rulers often tout their majlis, or weekly meeting with citizens, as a form of democracy. But the majlis, where hundreds of men line up to shake hands or kiss the shoulder of the senior princes, hand over a written plea for money or land, and later share a meal, cannot take the place of political participation, analysts say.

The majlis "works in small tribal societies where individual sheiks can take care of the problems of the tribe, not in advanced, modern nations who need basic civic institutions," says Ahmad Adnan, an editor at Al-Madina newspaper.

Basic changes

The changes Saudis are increasingly demanding are very basic; freedom of expression, public participation and the rule of law.

These are changes that go broader and deeper than cracking down on mosque preachers accused of expressing extremist views or editing intolerant passages out of textbooks -- two steps taken after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks and suicide bombings May 12 in Riyadh that killed 35, including nine bombers. Saudi Arabia also has rounded up hundreds of militant suspects since May 12.

Crown Prince Abdullah, the de facto ruler because of the illness of King Fahd, has spoken publicly and often about a need for reform.

Abdullah met earlier this year with intellectuals who petitioned him for changes and last month ordered the establishment of a Center for National Dialogue to promote public debate of extremism.

But in private, semipublic meetings and in newspaper editorials, many Saudis are saying the country has to stop talking and start moving -- even as the government counsels patience.

In a speech in May, King Fahd said Saudi Arabia would reform -- but at its own pace.

"We have learned from experience . . . that real reform springs from the culture and tradition of the nation and is embarked upon willingly, not by force, and happens gradually and easily, avoiding damaging speed," the king said.

Saudi Arabia does not have a constitution or elected legislature and the judiciary rules according to each individual judge's interpretation of Islamic law.

Saudis are not allowed to hold public gatherings to discuss political or social issues and, despite recent limited press freedoms, writers and editors are often banned or fired over articles offensive to the country's powerful religious establishment.

"People want to think out loud, without fear, and feel there is justice and equality. Without public participation in the decision-making process the marketers for violence will win over those who believe in peaceful solutions," says Abdullah al-Hamid, a retired university professor who was jailed three times for trying to set up a human rights group and for his writings on torture.

Some Al Sauds have personal reasons to oppose reform.

Royals, said to number around 7,000, get monthly stipends from the Finance Ministry, and until Abdullah started asking that they pay their bills, they flew free on the national airline and didn't pay utility bills. Abdullah also has powerful half brothers who are believed to oppose reforms.

Royals "who are against reform feel that their survival is threatened by change. The reform-minded wing, led by Crown Prince Abdullah, believe that the real threat comes from a lack of reform," says Al-Madina editor of Adnan.

Though frustrated at the lack of reforms, most everyone credits Al Saud with welding a disparate people into one country, holding this sprawling peninsula together, and keeping the peace between previously warring tribes.

The royal family brings "stability and security, but a constitution will make the kingdom even stronger," said al-Hamid, the retired university professor, who was among the intellectuals who petitioned Abdullah for changes.

"Yes, certain royal family members will lose privileges with the setting up of a constitution and with reforms, but they also gain, like a diabetes patient who has to avoid certain food, but ends up living a longer life."